GECOM UNDER ATTACK


Since Rudy Collins, Chairman of what was then known as the Elections Commission, put his life on the line in October 1992 against rampaging mobs determined to trash the Commission’s offices and derail the electoral process, the Commission has been the target of politicians who seek an excuse for losing elections.

With that history, Steve Surujballi showed exceptional courage in accepting the job as Chair in 1998 and remaining in office in the face of unfair, sometimes savage, criticism, the latest from Mr. Mansoor Nadir of the PPP/C. After his term of office has come to an end, it would be a miracle if any other Guyanese would have the fortitude to accept the job.

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NAGAMOOTOO/HUGHES


The announcement of support for a Nagamootoo/Hughes elections ticket for the AFC by its Leader, Khemraj Ramjattan, has attracted much comment. It was known for some time that the AFC had been contemplating such a combination. Mr. Hughes has already indicated his own willingness as well as his support for Mr. Nagamootoo, who said that he was humbled. This AFC team comprises two well-known Guyanese. The AFC believes that they have substantial appeal.

The AFCs had little choice in deploying what it would consider to be its best team in these specific political conditions. It will want to retain the support it took from the PPP in 2011 and recover from the PNCR that which it lost. Nagamootoo was seen as the AFC leader who attracted that PPP support. Hughes has been active in the African Guyanese community while sustaining political activity across the ethnic and geographic spectrum. He is seen within the AFC as having the potential of attracting much youth support. Both candidates are well known and have been active politically, Nagamootoo for much longer. Nagamootoo was up to 1992 one of Guyana’s leading journalists and one of Guyana’s best known politicians up to the present time. He has long been an outstanding political platform orators. Hughes has been active for many years as a public advocate for persons allegedly victimized by police violence.

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SPOTLIGHT ON CONSTITUTIONAL REFORM


I had the privilege of being interviewed on the SPOTLIGHT TV programme on Channel 9 in the distinguished company of Henry Jeffrey and Tacuma Ogunsaye, both knowledgeable and experienced observers of the political scene. We had all written recently on constitutional reform and the moderator, Dr. Brantley Walrond, felt that it was a topic of great importance in which his viewers would be interested.

We had all agreed in principle in our writings that Guyana needs a constitutional system that would facilitate the two major political parties sharing the executive in coalition government as a permanent feature of our political life. We recognized, however, that the greatest danger in such a constitutional scheme would be the absence of an effective opposition. Dr. Jeffrey and I had different approaches but I am open to other ideas as I am sure he is.

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EXCISING THE PRESIDENTIAL CARBUNCLE


In his article last Wednesday in Future Notes, (‘Some suggestions for constitutional reform’), Dr. Henry Jeffrey, advanced extensive views on constitutional reform. In order not to lose the momentum and opportunity of a discourse on the subject, I now seek to give some opinions of my own in the hope that they will add to the debate to find a workable and acceptable constitutional arrangement that will create a framework for at least both the major political parties to share the government. This is an outcome that both Dr. Jeffrey and I seek. It is an outcome that is necessitated by a constitution under which a party can ‘lose the elections and still win,’ or where minority governments can become a ‘feature’ of Guyana’s political future, as were approvingly conjectured by Dr. Luncheon in his press conference last week.

The existence of two large ethnic blocs which harbor historic suspicions and resentments about each other and which seek security in organizational form through political parties is the fundamental issue that has been at the core of all of Guyana’s civil and political turmoil and instability since 1955. The exacerbating consequences of colonial exploitation through slavery and indentureship and imperialist intervention have had their not insignificant impact. Until today’s politically disputatious situation, created by our history and overshadowed by ethnicity, is contained by a workable constitutional system, Guyana will show little political and economic progress and instability will continue.

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POLITICS AND THE GUYANA MIDDLE CLASS


The middle class, which supported the PPP in 1950 and was heavily represented in its leadership, began to divide on the basis of the ethno-political developments after 1955. This division and consolidation matured only in the early 1960s. During this process Burnham saw the importance of the middle class, particularly the African middle class. He courted the United Democratic Party, which was the political expression of the League of Coloured People and eventually merged with it. According to some critics of the PPP, Jagan signaled the need for a similar outreach in his 1954 Congress speech. If this is so then it is evidence that both leaders saw the importance of capturing the support of the middle class, or rather, that section of the middle class which they expected to be sympathetic.

These leaders were not mistaken as to the importance of support by the middle class. The African middle class, mainly concentrated in the bureaucracy, played an important role in giving institutional support and strength to the PNC’s campaign to remove the PPP government between 1962 and 1964, itself led by middle class militants. Similarly the Indian middle class, in the small business sector and some sections of the bureaucracy such as the teaching profession, remained grudgingly and sometimes fearfully, loyal to the PPP.

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