REMEMBERING WALTER RODNEY


There was a sense of anticipation in the political air upon the return of Walter Rodney to Guyana in the mid 70s. Elections had just been rigged in 1973 and our comrades killed. We in the PPP were especially happy when Cde. Cheddi Jagan reported shortly after he had met with Rodney that their discussions revealed a large area of agreement on the political situation in Guyana and the world and on the need for co-operation in the struggle to restore democracy. A good personal relationship and mutual respect had been established. This grew as their engagements intensified.

When the WPA was established there began almost immediately broad co-operation on many areas of political work. Joint activities were organized. Some attracted publicity, some did not. Regular discussions took place at the highest levels and for a sustained period. Camaraderie developed. Friendships were created. Hope was engendered. Rodney played a leading role in these developments.

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CALLING THE GOVERNMENT’S BLUFF


It is no surprise that yet another objection by the Government has now suddenly emerged to the establishment of the Public Procurement Commission (PPC). After the AFC’s campaign and the Private Sector Commission’s public and forceful call, the Government has been on a propaganda blitz. It has paraded its record of legislation, publicized the work of the National Procurement and Tender Board (NPTB) and held a seminar for stakeholders. All this is to justify its resolve not to further advance the process of transparency in the face of continuing and credible allegations of corruption in procurement.

In 2000 the Constitution Reform Commission saw the need for a PPC, recommended it and in 2002 the National Assembly unanimously approved the amendment to the Constitution to provide for it. The Constitutional Commission, which is subject to law, would have the same review function which the Government well knows.

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THE CONSTITUTION OF THE PEOPLES’ PROGRESSIVE PARTY


The Constitution of the PPP was adopted in 1977. It was designed to entrench the ideology of Marxism-Leninism and assist in the transformation of the Party to a Leninist party of the new type. The objectives were to officially adopt and promote Marxist-Leninist ideology and organizational methods. The need to create a more disciplined movement was also dictated by the increasingly authoritarian conditions under which the Party was operating. We believed that in the conditions we were then facing where open, democratic, activity was becoming difficult and we might have to function in conditions of illegality, the constitution had to be adapted to enable us to survive with a structure. It was our belief at the time that the party of the new type was ideally suited for these conditions.

Whatever may be said about the constitution which was adopted, the PPP remained intact and largely united in the difficult years. It built the best organized political movement in Guyana, won over Amerindian support after decades of painstaking work, resumed political work in Linden in difficult conditions after the 1960s, made alliances or collaborated with other groups throughout the 1970s and 1980s, maintained dialogue with the trade union movement and civil society and played a major role in sustaining opposition to authoritarian rule in Guyana. Many argue that Burnham needed an intact PPP to ensure continuing American support. Whether that was true or not, PPP supporters died, were tortured, imprisoned, beaten and harassed and the democratic movement was suppressed. No PPP member or leader could take seriously the argument, at that time, that Burnham did not intend to cripple, if not destroy, the PPP.

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THE PPP CONGRESS AND THE ELECTORAL DEFEAT OF 2011


Guyanese will be able to assess the future of the PPP, and the government it leads, by the way in which it treats with the electoral defeat of 2011 at its upcoming Congress. Defying all rational odds and holding on to a minority government, courtesy of the Burnham constitution, the results of the elections signaled the most serious crisis facing the PPP since 1992. With its popular vote slipping from 53 percent to 48 percent, the leadership will have to give some account of its stewardship to the Party, or lack thereof, which could have resulted in such a dramatic decline in fortunes after so much bluster and bombast over the past ten years and during the election campaign.

No information has been revealed by the PPP as to the results of any analysis made by it of the reasons for its dismal performance. The word is, however, that no analysis has been done but two general views prevail. One is that support fell off because of failures of the government which includes arrogance, extravagance, corruption and loss of support of sugar workers because of the high handed attitude to them. The other is that the Party organizational capacity faltered, lost contact with the people and failed to organize the turnout of voters.

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THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE’S REPORT TO THE PPP CONGRESS


The state owned press has been reporting recently that preparations for the PPP Congress are moving ahead. Apart from physical and organizational aspects, there are a number of documents which are prepared for presentation. The most important is the Central Committee’s Report. This lengthy document reviews developments since the last Congress. Areas of examination include political developments, the performance of the Party, the successes of the Government, the economy, the international situation and others. An analysis of reasons for the electoral loss of 2011 is likely to be an important inclusion. This lengthy document which takes several hours to read is the first substantive item of the Congress.

The General Secretary takes on the responsibility of getting the Report prepared. He does not usually prepare the full Report himself but would prepare one or more sections, including the political section. It could be that someone else assists the General Secretary to prepare the political section but this is not known. It is not known who assists the General Secretary with other sections of the Report, if anyone does. When Cheddi Jagan was alive, the preparation was an open process. Several persons assisted but he usually prepared the political section. Everybody knew who was doing what. Completed parts would be shared for comments. Then and now, when the draft is completed, it is presented to the Central Committee for approval. With the little time that is usually available to absorb the document, amendments are not usually substantial.

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