THE PRIME MINISTER IS ENTITLED TO SIT IN PARLIAMENT WHILE PERFORMING THE FUNCTIONS OF PRESIDENT


Mr. Anil Nandlall, former Attorney General and PPP/C Member of the Parliament, and now the guardian of our rights under the Constitution, pronounced ominously on the dire consequences that would befall the nation if the Prime Minister sets foot in the Parliament Chamber, after he is sworn in to perform the duties of the President. He warned: “If he goes back into the Chamber then the entire business of the Parliament will be tainted by an unconstitutionality and that means that the entire proceedings we are embarking upon will be unlawful, illegal, unconstitutional, null, void, and of no legal effect.”

The Prime Minister responded in support of his right to sit in Parliament. He argued: “I can only tell you that I am performing the functions of the President; but I am the Prime Minister, an elected Member of Parliament, and I am the Leader of Government Business in the House.” However, he did not return to Parliament.

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BUDGET BLUES


The population has learnt not to expect much that is edifying in the annual budget debates. This ritual by the political classes throws up with mundane regularity all that is wrong with our political culture. It gives them the opportunity to reinforce the principles that underlie that political culture so as to fuel it up for another year.  It also facilitates the deteriorating behaviour of parliamentarians in attempting to prevent each other from being heard. They must have tried the patience of Speaker Scotland, whose dignified management of the proceedings, and silence at a most insulting and patronizing reference as the ‘new kid on the block,’ were among the bright spots of the week.

The nature of the allegations made by the opposition in relation to procedures in the National Assembly are identical to the allegations of the PNC/PNCR/PNCR-1-G/APNU, for one reason or another, when it was in opposition. If we go back further, the management of the business of the National Assembly from 1992 to 2001 was similar from 1964 to 1992. The opposition after 1992 did nothing to change the practices which they had tolerated before, if not engineered, maybe because they felt that they did not have the bona fides to do so.

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PERCEPTIONS OF DISCRIMINATION


There are growing concerns within the Indian Guyanese community that the Government has embarked on large-scale discrimination against them. This is being fuelled by politically driven accusations by the PPP using the same emotive language used by the PNC/PNCR in the 1990s – ‘ethnic cleansing.’ I do not accept that there is such discrimination but the growing perception is a negative phenomenon so early in the life of the Government. It should not be dismissed because once such perceptions take hold, they are very difficult to overcome.

Guyana’s politics are organized for the expression of ethnic sentiments and are driven by ethnic considerations. The PPP governments of 1957 to 1964 were accused of racism and of being a ‘rice’ government and worse. During the PNC era of the 1970s and 1980s, the PNC governments were accused by the PPP of ‘racial and political discrimination.’ When the PNC lost the elections in 1992, one dominant theme emanating from its leaders, members and supporters was PPP’s discrimination. That theme quickly developed into accusations of ‘ethnic cleansing.’ It finally settled in to ‘marginalisation’ where it remained constant throughout PPP’s terms of office and became an accepted fact among African Guyanese. It attained great resonance when Dr. Luncheon said in evidence in Bharrat Jagdeo’s libel case against the Kaieteur News and Frederick Kissoon that no African Guyanese were qualified to be ambassadors.

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UNFINISHED BUSINESS


A report appeared in the press last week of a meeting between the Prime Minister, Moses Nagamootoo, Minister of Governance, Raphael Trotman and AFC executive and prominent attorney, Mr. Nigel Hughes to discuss constitutional reform. Constitutional reform is one of the undertakings given by the APNU+AFC coalition in its 100-day programme. No doubt the Government is looking to make an announcement on the issue before the end of the 100-day period.

On July 24 a symposium took place at Moray House on constitutional reform. The panelists were myself, Henry Jeffrey and Haslyn Parris. The proceedings were chaired by Miles Fitzpatrick. We were engaged in what might well be regarded as unfinished business. As leading member, Secretary and Chair, respectively, of the Constitutional Reform Commission, Miles Fitzpatrick, Haslyn Parris and I handed in our report to the Speaker of the National Assembly some fifteen years ago. The feeling at that time by some was that the process we had concluded did not resolve the most fundamental problems facing Guyana.

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JACK GLADSTONE


The Demerara Slave Rebellion of 1823 was a seminal event in the history of slave resistance in British Guiana and in the colonial world. Its stark exposure, once again, of the horrors of slavery speeded up its demise even as growing mercantilist trends were ravaging its economic foundations. Jack Gladstone was the Rebellion’s principal organizer and leading militant. While he has not been forgotten by history, his monumental, though costly, contribution to the abolition of slavery in 1838 and the advancement of freedom is little known. Professor da Costa’s book, Crowns of Glory, Tears of Blood – The Demerara Slave Rebellion of 1823, restores Jack Gladstone’s place in the narrative of resistance; but popular recognition and full knowledge of his role have still eluded his contribution to the freedom struggle.

The two most prominent figures who emerged from the Rebellion are Quamina and the Rev. John Smith. Quamina was a skilled carpenter at Plantation Success. He had become a Christian in 1808 and later appointed a deacon. He was trusted and relied upon by both Rev. Smith and his predecessor Rev Wray in church affairs. He was a slave from birth, a proud and dignified man and a dedicated worker. He had suffered, like all other slaves, from severe punishment by way of beatings and confinement.

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