At the opening of the Skeldon Sugar Factory, President Jagdeo said that in considering the options, the Government realized that sugar was too big to fail. The number of families relying on the industry was too large, its contribution to the economy too great. The President said that the option of privatization was ruled out and the only alternative was investment by the State. He pointed out that in the era of neo-liberalism it was tremendously difficult to convince the World Bank to support such a project. Finally, however, the Government prevailed and, the President argued, its wisdom of protecting large industries has been vindicated by the recent policies of industralized countries in protecting industries ‘too big to fail.’ Above all, sugar could be profitable. The Skeldon Factory was designed to produce sugar at US12 cents a pound. The world price was at one time US22 cents a pound. But the bulk of Guyana’s sugar sold outside of its traditional markets will be sold in added value form at far higher prices than the world market. This price has been dramatically reduced.

Sugar generally, and the Skeldon Sugar Factory in particular, face enormous challenges. The President mentioned several of them. These include the restoration of management capacity and efficiency, the deployment of innovative initiatives to increase the supply of cane, industrial stability, the development of new products with added value, establishment of downstream industries and more. Sugar, he said, must pay its way and contribute to the national treasury. The opening of the Skeldon Sugar Factory gave hope that despite the daunting challenges, sugar is on its way to even greater heights.

Continue reading “THE PROBLEMS IN THE SUGAR INDUSTRY – SOME PERSPECTIVES”

It soon became apparent that the period of “marking time” was unsustainable and having engineered the split in the PPP, the British Government restored elections in 1957 at the urging of Sir Patrick Renison, the newly installed Governor. The PPP won the 1957, as it did the 1961 elections, the latter under an advanced self-governing constitution with a promise of independence under the party which won those elections.

While Palmer recognizes the deep and passionate commitment of Cheddi Jagan to the poor and exploited, he falls prey to some of the propaganda which was unleashed by the same opponents of the PPP that he scornfully exposes, leading to contradictory conclusions. He judges that the PPP pandered to racial sentiments citing Jagan’s attitude to the West Indies Federation as evidence. Referring to the fears of Indians mentioned by Jagan in his 1954 speech to the PPP congress when dealing with the W.I. Federation, Palmer does not refer to the more fundamental position articulated many times by Jagan and mentioned in his “West On Trial” that the W. I. Federation was a colonial imposition, the object of which was to maintain and extend political domination and economic exploitation and predicted that it would fail. And it did. Like all other federations established by the British, the W.I. Federation failed, the immediate reason being a structural imbalance – a weak centre and strong units. The same problem faces Caricom. Nevertheless Palmer sympathetically quotes George Lamming’s view that on the Federation issue Jagan was forced to tread delicately and never wanted a party that was not ethnically all embracing.

Continue reading “CHEDDI JAGAN AND THE POLITICS OF POWER”

In Sweden, rape is more widely defined than in the UK or Guyana. In both cases against Assange, he had consensual sex with the women involved. One allegation is that the condom he was wearing split when he had sex with the first woman. She made no complaint the following day. However, later that same day he had consensual sex with the second woman at whose house he went to stay. Her allegation is that during the night he had sex again with her but while she was asleep and without a condom. (See Gwynne Dyer ‘The accusations against Assange’ in Sunday Chronicle December 12).

After extensive arguments on the question of bail Justice Riddle said: “The nature and strength of the evidence is not there, this is normal at this stage in proceedings. What we have here is the serious possible allegations against someone with comparatively weak community ties in this country. He has the means and ability to abscond if he wants to and I am satisfied that there are substantial grounds to believe if I granted him bail he would fail to surrender.” Apparently no credit was given for the fact that Assange was in Sweden, submitted himself to questioning and left only when the investigations were over. Neither was any given to the fact that he was never in hiding, agreed to submit himself to questioning in London and when this was refused, voluntarily submitted himself to arrest.

Continue reading “BLIND JUSTICE!”

Academic interest in Guyana’s modern political history has grown since the release by the C.I.A. of its records a few years ago. Professor Stephen Rabe’s “US Intervention in British Guiana – A Cold War Story,” published in 2005, was the first study after the release of the CIA’s records; Colin Palmer’s book is the second in what is likely to be continuing interest in the history of Guyana and an enduring fascination with Cheddi Jagan, whose international stature in colonial political history grows with each passing day.

Interest is generated by the story itself – an impoverished colony, a small population, of no strategic value, a dazzling group of radical young men and women, with a charismatic leader, boldly challenging British authority, twice removed from office by imperialist intervention, are some of the elements which come together in the compelling drama of British Guiana between 1953 and 1964.

Continue reading “CHEDDI JAGAN AND THE POLITICS OF POWER”

The Judiciary was therefore a prime target for reform under the new constitution which had been prepared pursuant to the Kofi Annan agreement. The draft constitution was approved by the National Assembly in April and approved overwhelmingly in a referendum in August after amendments prompted by national discourse.

There are provisions providing for the establishment of the courts, the basic principles which should guide them, alternative disputes resolution and traditional disputes resolution. The cost of the judiciary is a charge on the Consolidate Fund and salaries and pensions are high and constitutionally protected.

Continue reading “THE JUDICIARY UNDER THE NEW KENYAN CONSTITUTION”