ESTABLISHING THE LEGAL BASIS FOR LARGE SCALE IMMIGRATION


During a recent trip to Ghana, Vice President Bharrat Jagdeo said that Guyana, with its small population and limited labour force, would reach full employment soon. He said that Guyana would have to consider an active immigration policy. In August 2016, in an article entitled “Guyana’s future as an oil producer,” I wrote as follows: “If we are serious about progress, an immigration policy would have to be determined and systems put in place for its implementation. In recent years Guyana has welcomed Brazilians, Chinese and a smaller number of Indians. Emigration from these countries would increase and Guyana would begin to welcome emigrants from Caricom and other countries. The Guyanese people need to be prepared for these developments.” More recently, Guyana has welcomed a sizeable number of economic refugees from Venezuela. VP Jagdeo, therefore, did not say anything that would not have been known by anyone knowledgeable about recent developments. But, coming from a leading member of the Government, political figures are already speculating on where the immigrants are going to come from. This, of course, relates to the potential political implications of large-scale immigration having regard to Guyana’s ethno-political equation.

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PROPOSED AMENDMENTS TO ELECTIONS’ LAW WOEFULLY INADEQUATE


The amendments to the elections’ laws proposed by the Government through the Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill are woefully inadequate. They are limited to the following: imposing higher penalties for elections’ offences; creating new elections’ offences with high penalties; adumbrating a new structure for District (Region) 4; and establishing new offices for District 4. Having now demonstrated a mindset of where it wants to go by the contents of the Bill, the Government is unlikely to divert from this already decided course, except perhaps with minor amendments. But much more is required, and this was the opportunity to accomplish needed reforms in other areas of the electoral system, especially since the next elections are four years away. I have written extensively, but vainly, about elections’ reform over several years. I now take the opportunity to repeat some of those ideas.

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THE ELEPHANT IN THE ROOM


“Justice in not a cloistered virtue; she must be allowed to suffer scrutiny and respectful, even though outspoken, comments by ordinary men.” So said Lord Atkin, one of the last century’s greatest judges, in 1936. Since then, followed by other such statements by Lord Denning and others, criticisms of court decisions is normal, except that when I have done so in the past, I have been criticized by senior lawyers who should know better.

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WHY GUYANA’S ECONOMY BEEN IN SHACKLES SINCE COLONIAL TIMES


Guyana’s is and has always been a primary producer. During its years of Independence, although there was some economic growth, Guyana was unable to significantly diversify its economy by, firstly, adding value to what it produced and, secondly, advancing the process of industrialisation. Apart from political instability and consequential factors, the absence of an adequate and cheap supply of electricity was the major obstacle inhibiting such development. For a decade and a half beginning in 1957, Guyana saw the construction of a bauxite smelter as a way of triggering and, thereafter, advancing industrial development. Both parties struggled mightily to access foreign aid for projects to increase the supply of electricity. From Tiger Hill to Mazaruni, both failed.

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JUDICIALIZATION OF POLITICS IN GUYANA


The fundamental political problem in Guyana, as has been repeatedly emphasized in these columns and by others over the years, is the struggle for ethno-political dominance. It has long been recognized by most observers, and even by the two main political parties themselves, reflected at one time or another in their policy and manifesto promises. Even though first recognized by the PPP in the 1970s, that party’s electoral dominance over the past twenty-five years has resulted in its abandonment of policies of ‘winner does not take all’ and shared governance after 1992.

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